Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine: The Political Currency of Comparison
‘What anxieties and hopes, what utopias and dystopias, are provoked by a comparative treatment?’ (Robert Stam and Ella Shohat, 2009)
In West Belfast today, a 45-foot Peace Wall stands tall, dividing Nationalist and Unionist communities. The wall is adorned with colourful graffiti and a litany of political murals. On the Falls Road side, a predominantly Nationalist area, mural designs intertwine the green, white, and gold colours of the Irish flag with those of the Palestinian flag. Phrases in Arabic and Irish sit side by side, and references to Palestinian hunger strikers and political prisoners are scattered along the wall. These signify Nationalist solidarity with the Palestinian movement for liberation.
In a similar vein, the Star of David can be spotted in some Loyalist-majority areas, fluttering in the wind or painted on walls. A number of Israeli flags have been hoisted half-mast in towns just a short drive from where I live, in County Down. Over the last few weeks, even smaller rural areas have been weighing in on the conflict in Gaza, symbolically attaching themselves to one side or the other.
When we consider the broader histories of the island of Ireland and Palestine, it is unsurprising that comparison is frequently drawn. In 1921, Churchill sent the Black and Tans to quell civil unrest in Palestine. This British military group was, and remains to this day, notorious for their brutality against Irish civilians during the Irish War of Independence. Historical links like this one have shaped the Republic of Ireland’s relationship to Palestine, as one of the only European countries to actively oppose Israeli occupation since its very inception. The connection has also been recognised by Israel, evident through the Israeli Heritage Minister’s comments last week that the Palestinians, faced with displacement, should ‘go to Ireland or the desert’.
The ‘Israel/Palestine’ and ‘Ireland/ Northern Ireland’ analogy is a complex one, evident even in its lengthy title. Since the upsurge of violence in Israel-Palestine in October, this parallel has been made by a variety of political and public actors; rather successfully by some, and in a shallow fashion by others, demonstrating a significant lack of historical knowledge.
Suella Braverman, the former Home Secretary, suggested that pro-Palestine marches in London were ‘disturbingly reminiscent of Ulster’ and ‘an assertion of primacy by certain groups – particularly Islamists – of the kind we are more used to seeing in Northern Ireland’. Not only were her comments geographically inaccurate (Ulster is not the same as Northern Ireland), but they reinforced a problematic stereotype of Northern Ireland as a place inherently riddled with terrorism and social unrest. Her narrative conveniently forgets the historical role of Britain in Northern Ireland - a tactic which has also been used by the British Government more generally in regards to Britain’s formative role in the origins of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Another interesting motif in public discourse has been that of Northern Ireland as a shining example of peace, one which Israel and Palestine can learn from. When discussing possible peace solutions for Israel-Palestine in a recent interview, journalist Piers Morgan referenced Northern Ireland as ‘a seemingly intractable place’ that managed to achieve peace. His argument is not unique, or new for that case. Politicians such as Barack Obama have regularly framed the Northern Irish ‘Troubles’ as a blueprint model for conflict resolution. However, this comparison does not reflect the political realities of Northern Ireland today. Since the signing of the peace agreement in 1998, the Northern Ireland Executive has been absent 40% of the time. As it stands today, there is no functioning government. It is also worth noting that political violence, despite decreasing massively, has not been entirely eradicated.
The comparison between Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine is a complicated tool, and examining its recent deployments can offer us new ways to navigate the current chaos of the political landscape in the U.K. When approached with nuance and historical context, insightful parallels can be drawn between two populations that have experienced historical oppression and occupation, albeit in different ways. Irish support for Palestine has demonstrated the emotive power of comparison to inspire compassion and action. On the other hand, the Northern Ireland and Israel-Palestine analogy can be wielded in a dangerously misinformed manner. Recent examples of this have highlighted not only an ignorance of the socio-political realities of Northern Ireland today, but an ignorance of Britain’s ownentanglement with Irish and Israeli-Palestinian political histories.